The powerful fibreglass launches bring 80 people at a time to Lampedusa.
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The migrant boats dumped in the harbour on the Italian island of Lampedusa look seaworthy, sleek and powerful. They are a far cry from the flimsy Chinese-manufactured inflatable dinghies, made from rubber thinner than a bicycle inner tube, that were frequently seen en route from Libya until recently.
This week about 25 of the fibreglass launches were lined up after carrying as many as 80 migrants each from ports near Tripoli. Many are equipped with two large 250hp outboard motors that can cut a journey that took more than a day to just seven hours.
“This is the new modus operandi for smugglers: VIP boats that cost more but are harder to spot because they go faster, which has helped increase crossings,” said Chris Borowski, spokesman for the EU border agency Frontex.
Prices have risen from $800 a head a few years back to as much as $2,000 this summer, but business is booming. More than 28,000 migrants have arrived in Italy from Libya this year, nearly double the 15,000 seen this time last year. That has helped push up overall arrivals in Italy by 13 percent, year on year, denting the reputation of the prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, who became a right-wing star in Europe after last year overseeing a huge drop in numbers.
“Bangladeshis, who are the biggest group on the route, are paying €10,000 for a package that gets them a flight to Libya and the crossing,” Borowski said.
But not everyone can book first-class. At dawn on Wednesday, 90 weary migrants rescued from a wooden boat off Lampedusa were unloaded by the Italian coastguard at the small island’s port.
Lining up on the quay before the nearby tourist café turned on its loud music and the beach fill with sunseekers, the group of Eritreans, Ethiopians, Sudanese and Egyptians were met by staff from the charity Mediterranean Hope. “They were cold, worn-out and wet, including a sick 17-year-old girl who was pregnant and two toddlers,” said Valeria Passeri, a staff member.
What makes the Libya uptick stand out is the 20 per cent decline overall in arrivals in Europe this year, and a 53 per cent drop-off on the Balkan route, according to Frontex figures, meaning sailings from Libya to Italy now account for about 37 per cent of all EU arrivals.
This is the reason Romanian and Danish Frontex vessels were docked at Lampedusa this week to help with rescues. Despite their efforts, 550 migrants have died this year. “Tortured in Libya and dead in the sea — the story never changes,” said Flavio Di Giacomo, spokesman for the UN’s International Organisation for Migration.
But the story has changed this year as chaos and corruption in western Libya has intensified, allowing traffickers to flourish. When a murderous militia boss was shot dead in May, triggering bloody clashes in Tripoli, several migrant holding centres closed. Newly freed, the former inmates promptly booked sailings, Di Giacomo said.
Italy has bent over backwards to help the Libyan coastguard, donating launches despite reports that the migrants Libya intercepts at sea are often sent back to brutal jails, beaten and raped then handed over to traffickers who charge them for another crossing.
By doing deals with Tripoli, Meloni seems keen to repeat her success in Tunisia, where she backed a multimillion-euro EU handout for President Saied to persuade him to clamp down on sailings that pushed arrivals in Italy to 72,000 in 2023. This year, arrivals from Tunisia stand at 2,275. Meloni can be relieved that a feared exodus of Sudanese refugees has not occurred as a result of the civil war. “There is a large Sudanese community in Libya, which is absorbing many refugees who hope to return home,” Di Giacomo said.
If militia-dominated western Libya is giving European officials sleepless nights, then what is happening in eastern Libya could soon be worse. The east split with the Tripoli-run west after the Nato-backed overthrow of the Libyan strongman Colonel Gaddafi in 2011 and is now run by the military ruler Khalifa Haftar, who tried and failed to seize Tripoli in 2020.
Migrants sailing from the east to the Greek island of Crete have spiked this month, reaching about 500 a day, pushing the number to 8,000, and analysts believe Haftar is behind it. “Nothing happens in eastern Libya without the say-so of Haftar and his family,” said Jalel Harchaoui, an analyst at the Royal United Services Institute.
The reason Haftar is “weaponising” migrants is down to a complex political power game played out in the Mediterranean involving Turkey and Greece. Turkey has been trying to get Libya to ratify a deal carving up a stretch of the Mediterranean between the two countries for oil and gas exploration, irritating Athens, as it cuts across Greek islands. Ankara signed an agreement with Tripoli in 2019 and the eastern Libyan parliament in Benghazi may now ratify it. So when Greece last month announced new energy exploration rights around Crete, Benghazi protested.
“Turkey’s seducing of eastern Libya seems to have worked. Ankara has the Haftar family ... onside,” Harchaoui said. “I suspect the family deliberately organised this spike in [migrant] departures to pressure Athens.”
A visit by Greece’s foreign minister, George Gerapetritis, to meet Haftar on Sunday appeared to have achieved nothing, as sailings from eastern Libya continued. Then on Tuesday, the prime minister of eastern Libya, Osama Hammad, refused entry to the interior ministers of Greece, Italy and Malta, as well as the EU’s migration commissioner, when they flew in to see Haftar. They were told they were persona non grata and instructed to leave. The pretext for the snub was the visitors’ unwillingness to recognise the government in Benghazi, since they only formally recognise the government in Tripoli.
Mohamed Eljarh, a consultant with Libya Outlook, a Benghazi-based consultancy firm, said the migrants arriving in Crete were part of the row. “This could be seen as Haftar signalling: ‘Why should we continue acting as Europe’s gatekeeper if we are not formally recognised as partners?’ ” he said.
With Turkey as his ally, Haftar’s growing confidence is bolstered by ties with Russia, which already uses eastern Libya as a stop-off for flights supplying its military operations in Africa.
As the political mud-slinging continues, David, a South Sudanese migrant, sat this week on a beach on Gavdos, a small Greek island near Crete, and said he was trying to get to Europe to avoid conflict in his country. “We didn’t come to cause a problem. We came to save our lives,” he said. “If you stay, you die.”